Tiananmen memoirs / Memórias de Tiananmen

As Memórias Secretas da Praça Tiananmen, do líder do PC chinês que serão publicadas pelo ex-chefe denuncia (ou melhor, confirma) o massacre de 1989 e prega uma democracia ao estilo ocidental.

Zhao Ziyang lê um jornal no jardim de sua casa no centro de Pequim, em 1994.

As gravações das memórias secretas do líder do Partido Comunista Chinês que foi expulso por simpatizar com os estudantes durante as manifestações pró-democracia na Praça Tiananmen (Praça da Paz Celestial), em 1989 foram lançadas quatro anos após sua morte.

Em fitas gravadas em segredo durante sua prisão domiciliar de 16 anos, Zhao Ziyang, ex-chefe do PC, denuncia a morte dos manifestantes como uma tragédia, e desafiaram a rejeição subsequente do partido a reformas democráticas.

As fitas foram contrabandeadas para fora da China e serão publicadas em inglês e chinês este mês - como Prisioneiro do Estado: O Jornal secreto de Zhao Ziyang - dias antes do 20º aniversário do massacre. Nelas, ele pregava a democracia e insistia no fato de que os ativistas não estavam tentando derrubar o sistema, segundo extratos obtidos pela Reuters.

"Na noite de 3 de junho [1989] eu estava sentado no jardim de minha casa quando ouvi um intenso tiroteio", escreveu Zhao. "Uma tragédia que iria chocar o mundo não foi evitada." "Eu havia dito na época que a maior parte das pessoas apenas nos pedia para corrigirmos nossos defeitos, e não atentando para derrubar nosso sistema político."

As reformas políticas e econômicas haviam induzido um aumento dos atritos entre os reformistas e os reacionários na cúpula do partido. As manifestações de 1989 acirraram os ânimos e e levaram as discussões ao clímax. Quando Teng Hsiao P'ing, ou Deng Xiaoping, que detinha o poder nos bastidores, apoiou os linhas-duras, e a liderança concordou em impor a lei marcial, apenas Zhao foi contra.

"Eu disse a mim mesmo que não importa o que fosse, eu me recusei a tornar-me o secretário geral do PC que mobilizou os militares para massacrar os estudantes", disse ele em suas memórias. Ele também olhava para o futuro em suas gravações, enaltecendo a democracia parlamentarista ocidental, e advertindo: "Se não buscarmos atingir esta meta, será impossível solucionar as condições anormais da economia de marcado chinesa".

Zhao, colocado sob intensa vigilância em sua casa após sua queda, cujas saídas e visitas eram vetadas, gravou suas memórias em tal segredo que nem mesmo os membros de sua família sabiam do projeto.

"Isso lembrará as pessoas que Tiananmen não precisaria terminar daquela forma; era uma disputa de poder em alto nível - nada a ver com reprimir um rebelião violenta".

Preocupações com as notícias sobre o projeto foram tão grandes que os editores Simon and Schluster o listaram como Sem Título, autor Anônimo, em seu catálogo. Embora o livro certamente virá a ser banido no país, acredita-se que parte de seu conteúdo será disseminado na internet, ou através de edições contrabandeadas.

O livro certamente será lido e fará refletir os membros do PC acerca da sobrevivência do PCC.

A noção de Deng a respeito de Democracia não passava de um conjunto de palavras vazias, e as reformas econômicas creditadas a Deng foram, na verdade, obra de Zhao.

Embora Zhen fosse formalmente a mais alta figura do PCC, Deng mantinha o controle de fato, nos bastidores, como líder da velha guarda do partido, e esteve sempre no meio dos que enfatizavam o emprego de meios ditatoriais, e sempre lembrava as pessoas sobre sua utilidade.

Secret Tiananmen Square memoirs of Chinese party leader to be published

Former Communist chief denounces 1989 massacre and praises western-style democracy.

Zhao Ziyang reads a newspaper in the garden of his home in central Beijing, in 1994.

The secretly recorded memoirs of the Chinese Communist party leader who was ousted for sympathising with the students during the 1989 pro-democracy demonstrations in Tiananmen Square have been released four years after his death.

In tapes secretly recorded during his 16 years under house arrest, Zhao Ziyang, the former head of the Communist party, denounced the killing of protesters as a "tragedy", and challenged the party's subsequent rejection of democratic reforms.

The tapes were smuggled out of China and will be published in English and Chinese this month – as Prisoner of the State: The secret Journal of Zhao Ziyang – days before the 20th anniversary of the massacre.

In them, he praised western-style democracy and insisted that the activists were not attempting to overthrow the system, according to extracts obtained by Reuters.

"On the night of June 3rd [1989], while sitting in the courtyard with my family, I heard intense gunfire," wrote Zhao, according to Reuters. "A tragedy to shock the world had not been averted." He added: "I had said at the time that most people were only asking us to correct our flaws, not attempting to overthrow our political system."

Economic and political reforms had led to increasing struggles between hardliners and reformists in the party leadership. The 1989 demonstrations raised the stakes and pushed the arguments to their climax.

When Deng Xiaoping (or Teng Hsiao P'ing), who held power behind the scenes, backed hardliners and the leadership agreed to impose martial law, only Zhao dissented.

"I told myself that no matter what, I refused to become the [Communist party] general secretary who mobilised the military to crack down on students," he said in the memoirs.

He also looked to the future in his recordings, praising western parliamentary democracy, and warning: "If we don't move toward this goal, it will be impossible to resolve the abnormal conditions in China's market economy."

Zhao, who was kept under intense surveillance at his home after his downfall and whose excursions and visitors were vetted, recorded his memoirs in such secrecy that even family members were unaware of his project.

He recorded about 30 hours, on Peking Opera [school] and children's music tapes, in or around the year 2000. The 30 tapes were later smuggled out of China by three former high-ranking officials.

"It will remind people that Tiananmen did not have to end up as it did; it was a power struggle at the top level – nothing to do with putting down a violent rebellion."

Concerns over news of the project leaking were so great that publishers Simon and Schuster listed it as Untitled by Anonymous in their catalogue.

There was real concern about security, because if Chinese officials had found out early they would have used whatever means they had to make sure this didn't appear. It wasn't just commercial reasons.

Although the book is certain to be banned on the mainland, some of its content would spread through the internet or bootleg editions.

Politicians are going to be reading this and reflecting. It will give them a lot to think about, and cause them to think about the party's basic survival.

The memoirs will also shape the legacy of Deng. Although Zhao was nominally the highest-ranking party official, Deng remained in de facto control behind the scenes, as the leader among the party elders.

"Deng had always stood out among the party elders as the one who emphasised the means of dictatorship. He often reminded people about its usefulness," says Zhao, in a rebuttal of the idea that Deng was swayed by hardliners in 1989.

Deng's notions of democracy "were no more than empty words.

The book also showed the depth of Zhao's role in creating economic reforms for which Deng has received credit.